External Publications Using GUI Data

Educational expectations and the way in which they shape actual outcomes act as an important vehicle for the intergenerational reproduction of social inequality. This article draws on rich information from the Growing Up in Ireland longitudinal study to explore the factors influencing the educational expectations of 13-year-old young people and their parents. The findings point to high levels of expectations among parents but one-third of young people are found to hold lower expectations than their parents. Both sets of expectations are shaped by parental education, social class and household income, though parental expectations are more strongly structured by social background than those of young people. The article seeks to contribute to the literature on educational expectations in three interrelated ways. Firstly, it focuses on a phase of schooling, the transition to secondary education, which represents a time of significant change in young people’s learning experiences, and transition difficulties are found to dampen their expectations. Secondly, the analyses unpack the extent to which signals from the school influence parental perspectives, with academic achievement, child attitudes to maths, ability group assignment and teacher reprimands emerging as significant drivers of parental views of their children’s potential. Thirdly, the analyses take account of both the primary and secondary school attended and indicate significant between-school differences in young people’s intentions to go on to higher education.

Keywords
Educational expectations, social class differences, parent influence, school effects

Empirical research into the relationship between economic well-being and child outcomes has been limited by its cross-sectional nature, or its narrow focus on predominantly financial aspects of economic well-being. This article attempts to overcome these shortcomings by using data from the Growing Up in Ireland Cohort98 (age: 9–17; N = 5,748; female: 51.4%) and Cohort08 studies (age: 3–9 years; N = 7,208; female: 49.8%), which cover a period of large macroeconomic fluctuation (2007–2017). This fluctuation makes a robust fixed effects analysis feasible, allowing for economic well-being effects to be isolated by controlling for all time-invariant confounders. The article uses three different measures of economic well-being (subjective financial strain, material deprivation, income) to explore how distinct forms of economic well-being affect child behavior. The results suggest that household income is not related to behavioral difficulties, whereas subjective financial strain is predictive of externalized behavioral difficulties in adolescent boys. Material deprivation is predictive of externalized behavioral difficulties in adolescent boys and internalized behavioral difficulties in younger boys, but has no effect on girls’ behavioral outcomes. The findings indicate that the relationship between economic well-being and child behavioral outcomes is complex, and requires multi-dimensional measures of economic well-being to accurately ascertain the different effects.

Epidemiological evidence suggests that obesity and depression are highly co-morbid. In a national cohort study, we examined whether parents caring for children with disabilities were more likely to be classified as obese compared to parents of children without disabilities and if obesity was associated with depressive symptoms or child behaviour characteristics. Using data from the Growing Up in Ireland National Longitudinal Study of Children (2006 to date), 627 parents of children with developmental disabilities were compared with 7941 parents of typically developing children on objectively measured levels of obesity (body mass index ≥30 kg/m2), depression, health behaviours, chronic health conditions, socio-demographic and child behavioural characteristics. Parents of children with disabilities were more likely to be classified as obese compared to control parents (24.5% vs. 19.6%, p = 0.005, Cramer’s V < 0.1). Depression was not associated with obesity. However, the odds of obesity increased with increasing child problem behaviour (OR 1.05, 95% CI 1.03–1.06). Over half (57%) of obese parents caring for children with disabilities reported trying to lose weight often or very often. This study has confirmed, in a population-based sample, the high risk of obesity in parents caring for children with disabilities after adjusting for the presence of depression and other health behaviours; increasing child problem behaviours were predictive of obesity. Importantly, given the negative health correlates of obesity, it is imperative that health professionals pay attention to weight issues in these parents and support their efforts in managing these issues.

Epidemiological evidence suggests that poor physical health and depression are highly co-morbid. To date, however, no study has considered whether depression in parents caring for children with developmental disabilities is partly driven by poor physical health. Using data from the Growing Up in Ireland national cohort study (2006 to date), 627 parents of children with developmental disabilities were compared with 7941 parents of typically developing children on scores from the Centre for Epidemiological Depression Scale, chronic health conditions, socio-demographic and child behavioural characteristics. Having a child with disabilities was associated with a higher risk of depression (odds ratio (OR) = 1.83, 95% confidence interval (CI): 1.43, 2.35) compared to parents of typically developing children. Adjusting for the presence of chronic health conditions accounted for some of this excess risk (OR = 1.77, 95% CI: 1.38, 2.27). The association between having a child with disabilities and increased risk of depression was explained, however, by adjusting for the child problem behaviours (OR = 1.07, 95% CI: 0.81, 1.43). This study has confirmed, in a population-based sample, the high risk of depression in parents caring for children with developmental disabilities after adjusting for the presence of a chronic health condition. Importantly, given that poor mental health in these parents is associated with a battery of negative health and social family outcomes, it is imperative that health professionals pay attention to the mental health needs of these parents.

Family and home environment factors have been outlined in previous literature as important variables that affect early reasoning development. However, little research has focused on the association between screen use in the home environment and nonverbal reasoning ability. The aim of this cross-sectional study is to examine the role of both screen time and various screen activities (e.g., television, video, or educational games) in nonverbal reasoning ability in 9,001 5-year-old children using a large birth cohort study (Growing Up in Ireland). Interviews conducted with parents related to the children’s screen use and various family factors, while reasoning ability was measured using a standardized task (Picture Similarities Task, British Ability Scales II). A hierarchical multiple regression examined the role of screen use in nonverbal reasoning, while also statistically controlling for family factors such as parental education and employment status. Screen use variables made a significant contribution to the regression model, even after family factors were accounted for, although the effect sizes were very small. Playing educational games, video games, or engaging in over three hours screen use per day were all significant predictors of nonverbal reasoning scores in the final adjusted model. The results of this study suggest that screen use may play a small role in the development of nonverbal reasoning in young children. The findings highlight the need for further studies in this area and may have implications for current debates in screen time research.

For the first time, data on children and adolescents with disabilities in Ireland are reported based on the Active Healthy Kids Global Alliance Para Report Card methodology. The most recent data from the last 10 years were used in the grading process (A+ to F), and indicators with insufficient data were graded as incomplete. Of the 10 indicators from the Global Matrix Para Report Cards, grades were assigned to Overall Physical Activity (F), Organized Sport (D), Active Transport (D−), Sedentary Behaviors (D−), Family & Peers (C), School (C−), Community & Environment (B−), and Government (B). Irish disability sport organizations were invited to assess the research-led audit and provided commentary around the final grading. The contextual discussion of the grades is presented through the lens of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats with the purpose being to provide direction for the reduction of physical activity disparities among children with disabilities.

Gender inequality in housework divisions is persistent. This study examined early-emerging patterns in gender roles via children’s gendered housework time in the Irish context using time-use diary and questionnaire data, controlling for key demographic variables. This study utilized longitudinal “Growing up in Ireland” data, comparing the same children’s behaviour at age 9 and 13. Participants were a nationally representative, weighted sample of school going children living in Ireland, including 4,135 girls, 3,831 boys and their caregivers. The results highlight that inequalities in domestic chores occur at nine and are even greater at 13: girls do more housework and children tend to do “gender typical” chores. Consequences are discussed in relation to gender inequality and policy implications.

Given growing concerns about disadvantaged boys’ achievement and disengagement from learning, this paper investigates differences in reading ability by gender and social origin. It uses data from the Growing Up in Ireland study to investigate how parents’ approach to learning at home and children’s exposure to early care and education contribute to these differences. We find that both children’s gender and their family’s social class influence their cognitive development between age 3 and age 9, though the effects are additive, with little variation in the gender gap across social class groups. Parents from more advantaged social classes read more to their 3-year-old children than other parents, yet by age 5, when most children have started primary school, these class differences in parental reading are much lower. Parental reading, ECCE participation and length of primary school exposure were found to facilitate language development and partly explain differences in reading scores at age 9, although strong direct effects of social class remained, even accounting for vocabulary score at age 3. The benefits from parental reading, ECCE and exposure to school are broadly similar for boys and girls, though there is some evidence that boys benefit more than girls from longer exposure to school.

Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) is a two-cohort, longitudinal study of children and young people. The study aims to describe the health and development of Irish children across a range of topics; these include physical and mental health, family socio-demographic status, education, and the child’s behaviour, attitudes and key relationships. The study has been collecting data since 2007, beginning with a child cohort at nine years old (n = 8,568) and then an infant cohort at nine months old (n = 11,134). These data provide researchers and policy makers with a unique analytical tool to explore the well-being of children in Ireland. This paper provides an overview of all the stages involved in the development of the study, from its inception, to the establishment of the study’s aims, objectives and design, the ongoing data collection and panel maintenance, and the many uses of GUI data today.

Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) is the national longitudinal study of children and young people in the Republic of Ireland and has followed two cohorts for over ten years to date: Cohort ’98 who were recruited into the study at age nine years and Cohort ’08, recruited at age nine months. The study aims to describe the lives of Irish children and young people in terms of their development, with a view to positively affecting policies and services available for them. Traditionally, data collection involved in-home visits from an interviewer who conducted face-to-face interviews, recorded physical measurements of study participants and administered cognitive assessments. However, with the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and the associated restrictions, significant adaptations were required to these methods to ensure data collection for the pilot and main fieldwork for Cohort ’08 at age 13 could continue to the expected timeline. Face-to-face interviews with participants were replaced with telephone and web-based modes, interviewer training was conducted online, online resources were made available for interviewers and participants and COVID-19 related items were added to questionnaires. In addition to the scheduled data collection, a special COVID-19 survey was also conducted on both GUI cohorts in December 2020 to explore the impact of the pandemic on participants’ lives. This paper outlines the adaptations made to traditional data collection methods in GUI, highlighting the challenges that were met, but also the benefits of some changes that may be worth incorporating into future waves of GUI.

Identifying the clustering and correlates of physical activity (PA) and sedentary behavior (SB) is very important for developing appropriate lifestyle interventions for children and adolescents. This systematic review (Prospero CRD42018094826) aimed to identify PA and SB cluster patterns and their correlates among boys and girls (0-19 years). The search was carried out in five electronic databases. Cluster characteristics were extracted in accordance with authors’ descriptions by two independent reviewers and a third resolved any disagreements. Seventeen studies met the inclusion criteria and the population age ranged from six to 18 years old. Nine, twelve, and ten cluster types were identified for mixed-sex samples, boys, and girls, respectively. While girls were in clusters characterized by “Low PA Low SB” and “Low PA High SB”, the majority of boys were in clusters defined by “High PA High SB” and “High PA Low SB”. Few associations were found between sociodemographic variables and all cluster types. Boys and girls in “High PA High SB” clusters had higher BMI and obesity in most of the tested associations. In contrast, those in the “High PA Low SB” clusters presented lower BMI, waist circumference, and overweight and obesity. Different cluster patterns of PA and SB were observed in boys and girls. However, in both sexes, a better adiposity profile was found among children and adolescents in “High PA Low SB” clusters. Our results suggest that it is not enough to increase PA to manage the adiposity correlates, it is also necessary to reduce SB in this population.

In  this  paper  we  make  use  of  the  first  and  second  waves  of  the 2008  and 1998  cohorts  of  the  Growing  Up  in  Ireland  study,  to  develop  a  multidimensional  and  dynamic  approach  to understanding the impact on families and children in Ireland of the Great Recession. Economic vulnerability is operationalised as involving a distinctive risk profile in relation to relative income, household  joblessness  and  economic  stress.  We  find  that  the  recession  was  associated  with  a  significant increase in levels of economic vulnerability and changing risk profiles involving a more prominent  role  for  economic  stress  for  both  the  2008  and  1998  cohorts.  The  factors  affecting  vulnerability outcomes were broadly similar for both cohorts. Persistent economic vulnerability was  significantly  associated  with  lone  parenthood,  particularly  for  those  with  more  than  one  child, lower levels of primary care giver (PCG) education and, to a lesser extent, younger age of PCG  at  child’s  birth,  number  of  children  and  a  parent  leaving  or  dying.  Similar  factors  were  associated  with  transient  vulnerability  in  the  first  wave  but  the  magnitude  of  the  effects  was significantly weaker particularly in relation to lone parenthood and level of education of the PCG. For entry into vulnerability the impact of these factors was again substantially weaker than for persistent and transient vulnerability indicating a significantly greater degree of socioeconomic heterogeneity among the group that became vulnerable during the recession. The findings raise policy and political problems that go beyond those associated with catering for groups that have tended to be characterized by high dependence on social welfare.

In an effort to promote optimal health in all children, 24-hour movement guidelines that provide specific recommendations for physical activity, screen-time, and sleep have been developed (≥ 1 hour of physical activity, ≤ 2 hours of screen-time, 9-11 hours of sleep). Children who meet the recommendations for these health behaviours are less likely to be obese than those who do not meet them. This study compared the degree to which children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and typically developing (TD) children met the newly developed 24-hour movement guidelines. A propensity-score matched sample of 72 children (36 children with ASD, 36 TD children) from the “Growing Up in Ireland” study was included in the analysis. Based on parents’ completion of time-use diaries, fewer children with ASD, compared to TD children, met the recommendations for screentime (58.3% vs. 80.6%, p=0.07, V=0.24) and physical activity (41.7% vs. 69.4%, p=0.03, V=0.28). Children with ASD were most likely to meet two guidelines (44.4%), whereas TD children most commonly met all three guidelines (55.6%). The findings highlight the breadth of health behaviours that require intervention among children with ASD. The current study suggests that examining the movement behaviours that constitute a 24-hour period for children with ASD may be useful to inform interventions to reduce their risk for sub-optimal health.

Keywords: Physical activity; Screen-time; Sleep; Autistic; exercise; sedentary behaviour; health; overweight; obesity

In many countries, information on the prevalence of persistent speech and language disorders in early childhood is sparse due to the lack of nationally representative samples and longitudinal studies. Secondary analysis of data collected on over 7500 Irish children at ages 5 and 9 years, found that the prevalence of speech and language difficulties reported by the primary caregivers of Irish children decreased from one in six at age 5 to one in 12 at age 9. However, one in 20 children were reported to have difficulties at both ages. Regression analysis compared children with difficulties at both age 5 and age 9 to those who had been reported to have them at age 5 but no longer had such difficulties at age 9. Children with speech and language difficulties at both age 5 and age 9 were more likely to have two or more developmental impairments as well as current or past hearing impairments. Teachers and parents also reported a greater number of social-emotional difficulties. Family characteristics did not differ significantly across the two groupings. At best, up to one third of the children at ages 5 and 9 with speech and language difficulties had two or more contacts with a speech and language therapists in the preceding 12 month period. Increased support to these children, their parents and teachers would seem to be warranted.

Keywords
speech difficulties, language difficulties, children, longitudinal, national, survey, Ireland, speech and language therapy

In the current study, we investigated the developmental dynamics between positive youth development, being bullied in adolescence, gender, and sociocultural risk factors. Participants were 3,509 males (49%) and 3,656 females (51%) studied longitudinally across the ages of 9, 13, and 17 years in the Growing Up in Ireland study. Using structural equation modeling, we discovered that being bullied in early adolescence was most strongly predicted by having fewer close friends, higher family poverty, and living in neighborhoods with higher levels of disorder. However, the social disadvantage of a young person’s school did not impact being bullied. More positive reports of connection and caring in early adolescence were negatively predicted by neighborhood disorder and family poverty, and being female had positive association with relationships with teachers. Developing confidence, competence, and character in late adolescence was notably related to having fewer experiences of family trauma and transitions in childhood and to having higher levels of rapport with parents in early adolescence. The results highlight the importance of studying relationships and psychological development in sociocultural context.

In the literature on the links between socio-economic status (SES) and child health, there is evidence that the SES gradient is weaker for objective indicators of child health (e.g., height) than for subjective indicators (e.g., parental-assessed health). In this paper, we use crosssectional micro-data from the Growing Up in Ireland study to examine the SES gradient in height, weight, general health status and chronic illness incidence. Using household income and mother’s education as indicators of SES, we find only limited support for the contention that the SES gradient in child health in Ireland is stronger for more subjective indicators of child health.

In this paper we make use of the 9-year-old wave of the Growing Up in Ireland study to analyse multidimensional deprivation in Ireland. The Alkire and Foster adjusted headcount ratio approach (AHR; Alkire and Foster, Journal of Public Economics, 95, 476–487, 2011a, Journal of Economic Inequality, 9, 289–314, 2011b) applied here constitutes a significant improvement on union and intersection approaches and allows for the decomposition of multidimensional poverty in terms of dimensions and sub-groups. The approach involves a censoring of data such that deprivations count only for those above the specified multidimensional threshold leading to a stronger set of interrelationships between deprivation dimensions. Our analysis shows that the composition of the adjusted headcount ratio is influenced by a range of socio-economic factors. For less favoured socio-economic groups dimensions relating to material deprivation are disproportionately represented while for the more advantaged groups, those relating to behavioral and emotional issues and social interaction play a greater role. Notwithstanding such variation in composition, our analysis showed that the AHCR varied systematically across categories of household type, and the social class, education and age group of the Primary Caregiver. Furthermore, these variables combined in a cumulative manner. The most systematic variation was in relation to the headcount of those above the multidimensional threshold rather than intensity, conditional on being above that cut-off point. Without seeking to arbitrate on the relative value of composite indices versus disaggregated profiles, our analysis demonstrates that there is much to be gained from adopting an approach with clearly understood axiomatic properties. Doing so allows one to evaluate the consequences of the measurement strategy employed for the understanding of levels of multidimensional deprivation, the nature of such deprivation profiles and socioeconomic risk patterns. Ultimately it permits an informed assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the particular choices made.

In this paper we make use of the first and second waves of the 2008 and 1998 cohorts of the Growing Up in Ireland study, to develop a multidimensional and dynamic approach to understanding the impact on families and children in Ireland of the Great Recession. Economic vulnerability is operationalised as involving a distinctive risk profile in relation to relative income, household joblessness and economic stress. We find that the recession was associated with a significant increase in levels of economic vulnerability and changing risk profiles involving a more prominent role for economic stress for both the 2008 and 1998 cohorts. The factors affecting vulnerability outcomes were broadly similar for both cohorts. Persistent economic vulnerability was significantly associated with lone parenthood, particularly for those with more than one child, lower levels of primary care giver (PCG) education and, to a lesser extent, younger age of PCG at child’s birth, number of children and a parent leaving or dying. Similar factors were associated with transient vulnerability in the first wave but the magnitude of the effects was significantly weaker particularly in relation to lone parenthood and level of education of the PCG. For entry into vulnerability the impact of these factors was again substantially weaker than for persistent and transient vulnerability indicating a significantly greater degree of socioeconomic heterogeneity among the group that became vulnerable during the recession. The findings raise policy and political problems that go beyond those associated with catering for groups that have tended to be characterized by high dependence on social welfare.

In today’s increasingly diverse societies, a key question is how to foster the structural integration of immigrants and their descendants. While research indicates that migrant educational underachievement is a serious issue, relatively little is known about achievement gaps at younger ages and in relatively new immigration countries. The current study sets out to estimate the size of disparities by migration background at age five (i.e. when they start school) and explores the causes of these gaps. It does so in a context that offers a compelling but under-researched case: the Republic of Ireland. It draws on the Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) data, a national longitudinal study of children in Ireland. The results suggest that some disparities by migration background already existed at the start of primary school, but also that gaps were limited to verbal skills and differed widely across groups. Moreover, social background only played a relatively minor role in explaining the differences, whereas the child’s first language was a powerful predictor of disadvantages by migration background in verbal skills.

International research has pointed to the social and academic adjustment required of young people moving to secondary education and the importance of social support in easing this transition. However, studies have rarely looked at the simultaneous impact of different social networks on this process and how these networks may mediate the influence of social background. This paper draws on Growing Up in Ireland data to look at the influence of parents, peers and teachers on two dimensions of the transition process, which capture social, socio-emotional and academic aspects of the adjustment: the ease of settling into secondary education, as measured by parents’ reports of transition difficulties among their children, and academic adjustment to secondary education, as reflected in changes in young people’s academic self-image. Parental support is found to play a crucial role in helping young people adjust to the new school setting but, contrary to much previous research, formal involvement in their children’s schooling, especially in helping with homework, plays a much less important role. Over and above supportive relations, parental cultural, economic and social resources are found to play a direct role in improving young people’s confidence as learners and in enhancing transition experiences. Peer networks typically grow larger over the transition to secondary education but those young people who were more socially isolated at primary level experience greater difficulties. In keeping with previous research, the quality of relations with teachers emerges as a key driver of academic and social adjustment to secondary education.