External Publications Using GUI Data

This report uses data collected on Cohort ’98 of the Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) study at 9, 13 and 171 years of age to examine the individual, family, peer, school and neighbourhood factors associated with adolescent behaviour patterns. The study adopts a multidimensional approach and draws on multiple informants, looking at six types of behaviour. Externalising behaviour relates to conduct (‘acting out’) and concentration difficulties. Internalising behaviour relates to negativity directed towards the self (i.e. mood or emotional difficulties) and difficulties interacting with peers, while prosocial behaviour is an indicator of positive development, reflecting positive interaction with others. All three are measured using the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ), are based on reports from the primary caregiver (usually, the mother2) and are therefore likely to capture behaviour within the family or home context. Behaviour at school is captured using information on school-based misbehaviour (such as ‘messing’ in class) and on truancy, reported by the young person themselves. Antisocial behaviour, also based on the young person’s report, reflects behaviour in the wider community (such as graffiti or damaging property). The study addresses the following research questions: 1. What patterns of (mis)behaviour are found among young people at 9, 13 and 17 years of age? To what extent do these patterns relate to differences in family resources, namely, social class, parental education and household income? 2. To what extent does adolescent behaviour reflect the social mix of the school, over and above the effects of individual family background (including parental education, income and social class)? 3. To what extent does adolescent behaviour reflect the social composition of the neighbourhood, over and above the effects of individual family background? 4. What family, peer, school and neighbourhood factors help to reduce the incidence of behaviour difficulties among young people?

Adolescence and young adulthood are critical periods in the development of healthy sexual health and relationships, as patterns of behaviour that develop during these life stages shape outcomes throughout the life course. Recent rises in notifications of certain sexually transmitted infections (STIs) among young people in Ireland have raised concerns over the extent to which young people have the skills and information to make healthy choices in relation to their sexual health and wellbeing. In this context, sexual health literacy – i.e., the degree to which individuals have the ability to find, understand and use information and services to inform decisions and actions – is a key protective factor for the prevention of negative sexual health outcomes and for allowing young people to be more in control of their own sexual and reproductive health. In this report, we used data from Cohort ’98 of Growing Up in Ireland, the national longitudinal study of children and young people in Ireland, to examine the factors associated with sexual health literacy among young adults, and how sexual health literacy is associated with sexual health behaviours (i.e., condom and contraception use). The Growing Up in Ireland data on sexual health literacy were collected in 2018 when the young people were 20 years of age, and the measure of sexual health literacy was based on answers to two questions that gauged knowledge of female fertility and STI prevention methods.

This paper assesses the role of shadow education (SE), i.e. organised learning activities outside formal schooling, in the lives of secondary school students of different social backgrounds and in different school settings, in a high-stakes context. It draws on multilevel analysis of longitudinal Growing Up in Ireland data, alongside narratives from in-depth case study research in 10 schools. Framed within a social reproduction approach, we show how access to SE as an educational resource is socially stratified, accessible to those with greater levels of family resources, and those attending schools with higher socio-economic student intakes. SE is viewed as an investment, particularly among students with average and above average levels of prior attainment, while high attaining students are less likely to use SE. Perhaps reflecting the normalisation of SE in the Irish context, students do not directly link engagement in such tuition to their socio-emotional wellbeing.

Both psychological and sociological accounts have suggested that the home learning environment play an important role in children’s cognitive development and may provide insights into inequalities in cognitive outcomes. Using the infant cohort of the Growing Up in Ireland Study (GUI), this chapter investigates firstly if differences in the home learning environment at age three helps to explain the social gradient in childhood cognitive outcomes, measured as expressive vocabulary, at age five; and second, can childcare outside the home compensate for a poor home learning environment? Home learning environment is measured as the number of children’s books in the home and a combined index of parental activities with the child that includes reading, crafts and games. A rich home learning environment at age 3 is associated with higher vocabulary scores at age 5 years for all children. The children of lower educated parents tend to live in poorer home learning environments, and this partly explains their lower vocabulary scores at age 5. The chapter also provides some evidence that centre-based childcare was associated with an increase in vocabulary score for children from poor home learning environments. However, this effect is very small and only slightly reduces the gap in vocabulary scores between children from a rich and poor home learning environment.

Parent-child interactions are influenced by factors outside the immediate family. A recent paper † based on data from the Growing Up in Ireland study (GUI) focuses in particular on the support provided by grandparents in caring for very young children. Such support can have important direct and indirect influences on child development. For example, a grandparent who babysits a young child while parents have a night out has a direct interaction with the child in the context of providing care. However, there is also an indirect influence in the context of supporting the mother-father relationship which, in turn, could be expected to affect (positively) parental interactions with the child.

The transition to parenthood and early infancy have been identified in the literature as the critical periods requiring most support. Infancy is a particularly intensive parenting period. Children at this stage remain highly dependent on caregivers for their basic needs but, by 9 months (the age of infants at the time of data collection in the GUI study), they are also starting to become more mobile and interaction-seeking. In the Irish context, 9 months may also be the stage when mothers may be contemplating a return to work or education following maternity leave (paid and unpaid) – and those who have been breastfeeding will likely have finished at least exclusive breastfeeding.

Here we report some key results from the paper; further detail, and a full set of references to the literature can be found in the paper itself.

This report uses data from the ‘98 cohort of Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) to examine when, where and how young people receive information on sex and relationships, and the role of this information in shaping sexual competence (or readiness) and behaviours among Irish adolescents.

This study draws on data on Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) Cohorts ’98 and ’08 to document changes in the lives of adolescents over the period 2011/12 to 2021/22, building on an earlier study (Smyth, 2022) which compared their experiences at nine years of age. This decade was a period of considerable social and policy change, including reform of the junior cycle, growing digitalisation and the disruption of the pandemic to all aspects of young people’s lives. Changes were also evident in the profile of young people and their families, with increasing cultural diversity, higher education levels among parents, lower levels of financial strain and increasing numbers with a disability among members of Cohort ’08 than among their older cohort counterparts. The study looks at changes in 13-year-olds’ relationships with their parents and peers, in their day-to-day activities and in their experiences of school. The main research questions addressed by the study are: How have the quality of relationships, experience of learning and activities engaged in by adolescents changed over the course of a decade? To what extent do any such changes reflect differences in the family characteristics of the young people? Are any such changes more evident for boys or girls or for young people from different social backgrounds? Is differentiation by gender and social background in adolescents’ social worlds less evident for the younger cohort than previously?

The world-wide COVID-19 pandemic significantly disrupted education, with school closures leading to a shift to remote learning. Existing and emerging research has shown that even a relatively short period of missed school has negative consequences for academic and social outcomes among children and young people, especially for those from more vulnerable families. While emerging research drawing on cross-sectional data has focussed on how the pandemic has affected immigrant youth, there is a paucity of longitudinal studies in this field. In this paper, we used the longitudinal Growing Up in Ireland study to investigate and analyse the wellbeing of migrant-origin 12-year-olds in Ireland during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our research shows that compared to their Irish peers, immigrant adolescents had poorer wellbeing, partly related to differences in family support for remote learning, in experiences of poor-quality interaction with peers and in levels of family strain.

The world-wide COVID-19 pandemic significantly disrupted education, with school closures leading to a shift to remote learning. Existing and emerging research has shown that even a relatively short period of missed school has negative consequences for academic and social outcomes among children and young people, especially for those from more vulnerable families. While emerging research drawing on cross-sectional data has focussed on how the pandemic has affected immigrant youth, there is a paucity of longitudinal studies in this field. In this paper, we used the longitudinal Growing Up in Ireland study to investigate and analyse the wellbeing of migrant-origin 12-year-olds in Ireland during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our research shows that compared to their Irish peers, immigrant adolescents had poorer wellbeing, partly related to differences in family support for remote learning, in experiences of poor-quality interaction with peers and in levels of family strain.

This study identified ways to improve the social and educational outcomes of children with disabilities, including informing parents about the school and post-school options available.

This report draws on the Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) study to look at pornography use among over 4,500 young adults at 20 years of age. Pornography use was captured as part of a module of questions on different types of internet use. The rich information provided by the GUI study allows us to explore the potential influence of a range of factors on pornography use and to examine the way use is related to key aspects of wellbeing and sexual behaviour among young adults. Pornography use is found to be highly gendered, with 64 per cent of young men and 13 per cent of young women reporting use. For this reason, analyses in the report look separately at the factors for young women and men.

Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic wrought acute harm to mental wellbeing across the globe; not least through its impact on morbidity and mortality, but also from health anxieties, lockdowns and their economic fallout, the closure of key services, as well as the disruption of social networks. However, while the pandemic’s onset was global, not everyone experienced the same harm to their mental health. This study draws on information on the mothers of 12-year-olds from the Growing Up in Ireland (GUI) study to look at what helped cushion the negative impact of the pandemic on their mental health.

Data and Methods
The study draws on GUI data on Cohort ’08, a nationally representative sample of children born 2007-2008 along with their caregivers. In December 2020, the GUI team conducted a survey of primary caregivers (98 per cent of whom are mothers) during the COVID-19 pandemic. Mothers’ mental health is captured using the Short-form Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D), with higher scores indicating a greater risk of depression. The longitudinal nature of GUI means we can compare measures of mothers’ mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic (December 2020) with two previous timepoints before the pandemic – wave 3 (2013/2014) and wave 5 (2017/2018) – to see whether trends in depression changed significantly over the pandemic.

The study looks at four sets of factors: (1) mothers’ social resources, such as the level of social cohesion in their neighbourhood (e.g., trust and reciprocity among neighbours) or the support they receive from friends/family; (2) their economic resources, such as the share of income received from welfare, or how difficult they feel it is to ‘make ends meet’; (3) the quality of mothers’ local environment, such as the degree of traffic problems; and (4) their religiosity, such as how often they attend church. All of these factors are measured prior to the onset of the pandemic to reflect the resources mothers had at their disposal going into the crisis.

To understand how these buffering factors may have cushioned mothers’ mental health, the study uses a set of measures on what experiences mothers had during the pandemic. These include whether they found supervising their child’s schoolwork stressful, whether they experienced a loss of income/employment, or whether they had COVID or were anxious about friends/family contracting it.

Results

What factors cushioned the impact of the pandemic on mothers’ mental health?

In the years prior to the pandemic (2013/2014 to 2017/2018), levels of depression among mothers remained relatively low and stable. However, depression scores among mothers rose steeply with the onset of the pandemic (compared to 2017/18), nearly doubling. Yet, not all mothers experienced an equal increase in depression scores.

Stronger economic resources, and better household conditions, played a protective role: depression scores rose less among mothers who reported being able to ‘financially make ends meet’ easily (compared to those who found it difficult) and among mothers who lived in less overcrowded housing. The local environments in which mothers were living also helped cushion their mental health. Mothers who lived in neighbourhoods where heavy traffic was not a problem, and those who lived in rural areas, saw their depression scores increase less over the pandemic, compared to mothers in more urban areas or where traffic was a major problem.

The strongest protective factors were mothers’ social resources and their religiosity. Mothers who, just before the pandemic, had a partner in the household and who felt they got the help they needed from friends and family saw their depression scores increase less over the pandemic. Those who reported living in more socially cohesive neighbourhoods (where neighbours trust each other, exchange favours, or feel more attached) – what are termed in the research literature as high social capital areas – were more strongly protected against depression during the pandemic. Symptoms of depression also increased much more steeply among mothers who never attended church before the pandemic compared to mothers who used to attend daily or weekly (even though in-person services had not resumed at the time of the survey).

How did these buffering factors protect mothers’ mental health?

Social resources cushioned mothers’ mental health because, during the pandemic, these mothers experienced better family relations and struggled less with care work, home schooling, and their children’s return to school. Economic resources supported mental wellbeing by reducing financial stresses, enabling better home/outdoor environments, and likely allowing families to purchase the tablets, laptops, and high-speed internet needed to engage in home schooling and working more easily. A better-quality local environment allowed mothers to spend more time outside and improved family relations. It was harder to explain the protective role of religiosity, but it may relate to greater optimism or a stronger sense of meaning in life that help protect people from the stress of adversity.

Conclusion and policy implications
This study finds strong evidence that the social, economic, religious, and environmental characteristics in people’s lives protect their mental health when experiencing adverse life events. While some of these characteristics are personal, others can be influenced by policy. Investment in local infrastructure to enhance access to green spaces and reduce neighbourhood disorder will pay dividends in supporting the mental wellbeing of women and their families. Furthermore, community development initiatives to foster a sense of local belonging and trust will enhance families’ capacity to weather crises. Integrating such perspectives into crisis management could help protect societies, particularly more vulnerable groups, and potentially weaken the well-documented long-term scarring effects that adverse life events have on people’s lives.

Drawing on curriculum differentiation theory, this paper discusses exemptions from learning Irish granted to Irish post-primary students. In order to explore the profile of students granted such exemptions, the study utilises data from a national longitudinal study, Growing Up in Ireland. Additional information is provided by administrative data collected by the Department of Education and Skills to show trends in the number of exemptions granted over time. The findings show that factors impacting on being exempt include gender, social class, having a special educational need at primary school and being born outside Ireland.

Keyword(s): post-primary schools, curriculum differentiation, exemptions from Irish, Ireland

None of the many critical moments in Ireland’s often tumultuous history was more significant or defining than the Easter Rising of 1916. Central to the Rising was the Proclamation of Independence, in which Pádraig Pearse declared the new nation’s resolve to cherish all its children equally. CHERISHING ALL THE CHILDREN EQUALLY? brings together contributions from a range of disciplines to shed light on the processes of child development and to investigate how that development is influenced by a variety of demographic, family and socio-economic factors. Making extensive use of research and data that have emerged over recent years from the Growing Up in Ireland longitudinal study of children, the book considers whether or not all children can participate fully and equitably in contemporary Irish society. It asks whether or not we do, in fact, cherish all our children equally in modern Ireland, regardless of their family circumstances, health or ethnic background.

TABLES OF CONTENTS:

1. Introduction
2. Changing Perceptions and Experiences of Childhood, 1916-2016
3. Children and Families, Then & Now
4. Is Family Structure a Source of Inequality in Children’s Lives?
5. Parental Investment & Child Development
6. Inequalities in Access to Early Care and Education in Ireland
7. Inequalities from the Start? Children’s Integration into Primary School
8. Insights into the Prevalence of Special Educational Needs
9. The Experiences of Migrant Children in Ireland
10. Social Variation in Child Health & Development: A Life-course Approach
11. Child Access to GP Services in Ireland: Do User Fees Matter?
12. Anti-Social Behaviour at Age 13
13. Child Economic Vulnerability Dynamics in the Recession
14. Concluding Observations